John Thune’s Senate Siesta

Congress has spent years competing with car salesmen for the public’s
distrust. The car salesmen should demand an apology. In Gallup’s 2009
survey, 55% of Americans rated members of Congress as low or very low
in honesty and ethics.
That was almost two decades ago. Surely Congress has its act together by
now, especially with the addition of DSA members and The Squad. Or
perhaps not.
A January 2025 Gallup survey placed members of Congress alongside
lobbyists and television reporters among the least trusted professions.
Quite the distinguished company, but even among congressional leaders,
somebody has to bring up the rear.
According to a recent Rasmussen Reports survey, that distinction belongs
to Senate Majority Leader John Thune. Only 28% of likely U.S. voters have
a favorable impression of Thune, down from 31% a year ago. Just 8% view
him very favorably.
In his defense, or perhaps as part of his problem, 36% are “not sure” about
him. Rasmussen reports that he appears to have the lowest name
recognition among congressional leaders. John who?
Low recognition is not the same as widespread hostility and disapproval.
But for the Republican leading the Senate, being a mystery to more than a
third of likely voters is hardly a ringing endorsement.
My complaint is less about what Thune has done than about what he has
NOT done. The “greatest deliberative body” too often looks as if it has
confused deliberation with a two-year siesta.
Anyone who remembers Schoolhouse Rock’s “I’m Just a Bill” knows the
drill: legislation must pass both the House and the Senate before it reaches
the president’s desk. Apparently, the Senate missed that episode.
House Speaker Mike Johnson revealed this week that the House had
passed about 1,000 measures, with nearly 700 awaiting Senate action.
Johnson blamed Senate Democrats for obstructing legislation. Fair enough.

The minority can obstruct. But the majority leader still must explain what he
plans to do about it. Otherwise, what exactly is he leading?
The backlog is not just about sweeping legislation or Trump priorities, such
as the SAVE Act. It also includes the seemingly mundane task of changing
our clocks.
In July, the House passed legislation to make daylight saving time
permanent. Whether Americans prefer permanent daylight saving time,
permanent standard time, or the twice-yearly ritual of wondering which
appliance clock is correct, the issue warrants a decision. Even the clocks
occasionally move forward. Except in the U.S. Senate.
Defenders of the Senate’s pace cite its rules and traditions. These are not
constitutional commandments, though Washington often treats them as if
Moses had brought them down from Mount Sinai.
The legislative filibuster generally requires 60 votes to end debate on
contested legislation. Certain measures, including qualifying budget
reconciliation legislation, can advance without meeting that threshold. The
Senate’s own history explains how its rules evolved.
Nominations operate differently. They can advance by a simple majority,
though procedural delays persist. Post-cloture consideration can last up to
30 hours for some nominations.
Then there is the Judiciary Committee’s blue-slip tradition, which can stop
district court nominees opposed by a home-state senator.
Different procedures. Same familiar refrain: hurry up and wait.
To be fair, the Senate has passed legislation and confirmed nominees
under Thune. The question is whether its leadership has done enough with
the majority that Republicans were handed.
A legislative backlog of nearly 700 House-passed measures is a good
place to begin that discussion. Yet after last week’s midterm defeat, Senate
Republicans reelected Thune as their leader for the next Congress, when
they will be in the minority.
Lose the majority. Keep the leadership. Washington accountability in
action.
Remember the definition of insanity – doing the same thing over and over
again and expecting a different result.

Republicans’ election losses had multiple causes. The Rasmussen Report
survey does not tell us how many frustrated Republicans stayed home, let
alone why. But Republican leaders should at least consider whether voters
expected more than excuses for Senate procedure.
Voters elected a majority. Instead, they got a TED Talk on why a majority
cannot get things done.
The election is over. The current Republican majority is not. At least not
yet. There is still a lame-duck session, offering a final opportunity to
advance legislation and act on President Trump’s pending judicial and
executive nominations, though this is much like locking the barn door after
the horse was stolen.
How about reconsidering the legislative filibuster and finally moving forward
with the accumulated bills Republicans keep telling voters are essential?
After all, some newly elected Democrats will push to end it once they are in
the majority. If Senate Republicans believe those measures are worth
passing, now would be an ideal time to demonstrate it.
As for the nominations, complete the reviews, hold the votes, and confirm
the qualified nominees. The calendar is growing shorter, just as the days
are this fall.
The Senate and its leadership still have a choice. Lead, follow, or get out of
the way.

Brian C. Joondeph, MD, is a Colorado-based ophthalmologist who writes
frequently about medicine, science, and public policy.

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