Oil prices are plummeting, and the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), including Saudi Arabia and Venezuela, doesn’t like it. For Americans, it means the lowest prices they’ve paid at the gas pump in months.
Oil billionaire T. Boone Pickens has been campaigning nearly as hard this year as John McCain and Barack Obama, but his cause is to lessen America’s dependence on foreign oil through wind, solar power and vehicles powered by natural gas.
The 1949 movie of Ayn Rand's novel "The Fountainhead" ends with Patricia Neal elevating to the top of a new skyscraper to greet its godlike architect, Gary Cooper.
I've long considered myself a bad Republican. During the Bush administration, for example, I've felt free to whack George W. and Republicans in Congress for passing big-spending bills, such as their pork-rich 2002 farm bill, the underfunded prescription-drug bill and earmark spending. But in 2008, I find that I'm a piker in the bad Republican department.
Nearly half (47%) of U.S. voters say Congress has more control over the direction of the economy than the president and the chairman of the Federal Reserve Board.
The Discover (R) Small Business Watch (SM) dropped for the second straight month as news of a congressional rescue plan failed to lift the spirits or expectations of the nation's 22 million small business owners.
Like all polling firms, Rasmussen Reports weights its data to reflect the population at large. Among other targets, Rasmussen Reports weights data by political party affiliation using a dynamic weighting process.
Just 28% of voters believe that John McCain’s campaign has been helped by talking about the relationship between Barack Obama and William Ayers.
With 10 days until the election, things are looking good for Barack Obama in most of the nation.
Back in early 1981, when I went to Washington to work for President Reagan, one of the architects of supply-side economics, Columbia University's Robert Mundell, visited my OMB budget-bureau office inside the White House complex.
What will an Obama administration and a Congress with increased Democratic majorities do? That's a relevant question, given the Democrats' leads in the polls. And it's a little hard to answer, given the financial crisis that has been raging and the recession that seems to be ahead.
Boo! Halloween is just around the corner, and not just children are dressing up for the “spook-takular” holiday.
My Democratic friends want to know when they can stop worrying.
Every week it seems to get worse for House Republicans. As we will demonstrate below, we have expanded the number of possible to likely net gains for Democrats from our previous 15 to 20 to a new and rather astounding 22 to 27 seats.
The Democrats’ lead over the GOP slipped two points over the past week in the latest edition of the Generic Congressional ballot. The latest Rasmussen Reports national telephone survey found that, if given the choice, 45% of voters would choose their district’s Democratic candidate, while 39% would choose the Republican candidate.
It’s the issue both presidential candidates have largely ignored as they court the nation’s growing Hispanic population, but one-out-of-four U.S. voters (26%) is still angry about the current immigration situation.
Thirty-eight percent (38%) of U.S. voters are very concerned that Barack Obama will be tested with an international crisis in his first six months as president, as his running mate Joseph Biden has predicted.
Wherever John McCain appears on the stump in these waning days of the presidential campaign, he is always accompanied by his imaginary friend "Joe the Plumber," but it is the specter of Karl Marx that lurks just offstage.
Back in 2002 and 2004, the Crystal Ball brought misery to Democrats and joy to Republicans, as we projected the solid GOP victories that occurred in those years. The cycle of politics is not to be denied, and so in 2006 and now in 2008, there is a role reversal.
As the election enters its last two weeks, social populism wars with economic populism to become the major outlet for American anger and angst and to satisfy the demand for change. In his book The Populist Persuasion, Michael Kazin articulates the difference between these two types of populism: economic and social.
